Saddling the Gerrymander
We have gone through three consecutive Congressional election cycles (2008, 2010, 2012) with the measures of the public's approval rating for Congress sinking below 20% on Election Day. The opinion is shared by Republicans, Democrats, and Independents; Congress simply is incompetent to do the job for which they were chosen. It seems like a sure sign that it is time to replace these non-performers. And yet, in those three elections, only 8% of the incumbent U.S. House Representatives took the hint to retire (many to seek other offices). And when the other 92% ran for re-election, 90% of the time they won. These results are only slightly different than the three preceding election cycles (2002, 2004, and 2006) when the approval ratings were 47% (2002) to 26% (2006); then 7% retired and 96% were re-elected.
Why, we might ask, if nearly everyone believes the members of Congress cannot do their jobs, do we continue their employment? It is not that there are no other persons in the job-seeker pool eager to fill those positions. While the Gallup poll shows that 65% of adults cannot name their Representative, the approval ratings for those individual members in their home districts averages around 50% or above historically (and is currently about 46%). In the voters' minds, it is not the person they chose who cannot do the job, it is the other 434 Representatives who are interfering with their Representative's ability to “get it done”.
Thus, we enter the voting booth with a dilemma. Despite the urge to purge the country of all the incompetents, we tend to want to keep the one gem from our own district. We have no say in the ousting of the non-cooperative, counter-productive, and simply wrong-headed Representatives who hinder the progress of the person we chose before and whom we wish to choose again.
Well, then let's give ourselves the ability to tell those voters in the foreign districts what we think of their Representatives. I propose that in each U.S. House election we allow a randomly selected extra district to cast their “itinerant votes” to be counted alongside of the local vote. Since every Congressional district is approximately the same size, there will be no inherent imbalance between the local and itinerant votes, but at last our Congressmen will need to consider not just their parochial appeal but also the effects of their behavior on the larger national stage.
In order to not forewarn Congressional candidates (thereby allowing them to tailor their campaigns to the biases of a fully known electorate), the selection of the second voting block should be delayed until after the local primaries are completed. But within one or two days after the last party primary, the Federal Election Commission will oversee the coupling of every District with another in a random process. There will be no votes nor cognitive decision-making, simply the luck of the draw. But there may be some controlling rules to ensure diversity. For example, adjacent districts cannot be coupled nor may any two districts be paired (i.e. each are the itinerant district for the other). With this prompt national process in place, the information can rapidly be exchanged between the agencies administering the local elections and the final ballots prepared for the national Election Day.
By adoption of this vote-sharing process, we will double our individual influence in the democratic mechanism while indulging our national proclivity to tell others what they ought to think. While there may be Constitutional and State regulation wrinkles yet to be worked out, moving forward with this idea offers greater accountability for Congressional results in governing our entire nation, not just the local pork barrel projects that endear our Representatives to their current constituents.